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CHAPTER FOUR
CONCLUSION
A. A SUMMARY
Successful students often have a wise teacher. The reputation of the students can also make their teacher famous. Kuei Ku Tzu had a name in history because of his two famous students, Su Ch'ing and Chang I, who, by their skillful persuasion exerted their impact on the course of early Chinese history.
Unfortunately, we know very little about Kuei Ku Tzu. Our ignorance of his life in turn brings about many questions about Kuei Ku Tzu, the book which is regarded to be a record of Kuei Ku Tzu's teachings.
The problem of textual authenticity is frequently encountered when dealing with an ancient Chinese text such as Kuei Ku Tzu, partly due to the devastating censorship of the Ch'in Dynasty. As most of the pre-Ch'in texts are recovered and/or reconstructed after the restoration efforts of the Han Dynasty, documentation of the Han
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Dynasty become crucial to our knowledge of the pre-Ch'in texts.
Some books from the Han Dynasty such as Shih chih and Shuo Yuan quoted Kuei Ku Tzu. Several versions of its annotation appeared during the Six Dynasties. Kuei Ku Tzu in its present form which is composed of three volumes was not cited in major bibliographic monographs until the History of Sui which was compiled at around the seventh century.
As far as we know, there has been four annotators of Kuei Ku Tzu. But there is only one surviving annotation. T'ao Hung-ch'ing who lived between the fifth and sixth centuries was attributed as its author.
However, there have been some disputes concerning the authorship of this surviving annotation. Some scholars argued that Yin Chih-chang of the seventh and eighth centuries did it. Evaluating all existing evidence cannot sufficiently confirm or negate one without raising some equally disturbing questions which support or negate the other.
Until more information becomes available which will enable us to draw more valid conclusion in support of Yin Chih-chang, we will stay the conventional claim and regard T'ao Hung-ch'ing as the annotator of Kuei Ku Tzu.
The first two of the three volumes of Kuei Ku Tzu are translated into English and thoroughly studied and discussed.
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The reason that the third volume is not included is that it is distinctly different from the first two by its structure and content. It is suspected that the third part might have been added on during the late Han Dynasty, instead of being a work of the pre-Ch'in period.
The thrust of Kuei Ku Tzu lies in the methods to achieve successful persuasion. But, the portion at the very beginning of the book is devoted to some basic discussion of the nature of persuasion.
Like many of his contemporary thinkers, Kuei Ku Tzu was significantly influenced by the yin-yang duality. Persuasion from people in lower position toward people in higher position is yin in nature and requires effort. As everything under heaven is bent either toward yin or yang, successful persuasion comes about when one can match the yin or yang types of speech with the yin or yang types of people.
To do this, the most important of all is to get the appropriate ch'ing--the knowledge of oneself, in depth information of the persuadee and the entire situation in which the persuasive event is to take place.
What one should know about the persuasive situation is brought out in various places in the book, particularly in the chapter of Figuring Out. For Kuei Ku Tzu, the collection of ch'ing requires the the full use of all senses--not only the senses of oneself, but also those of
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the trusted informants; not only those tangible data, but also the results of one's intuitive calculations.
Although Kuei Ku Tzu stressed the importance knowing oneself, he did not say much about how to achieve of self knowledge other than a brief recommendation of using repetition [B:2]. However, he did discuss in great length how to ascertain the genuine feelings in a person, particularly the "hidden feelings".
The chapter titles in Kuei Ku Tzu are actually labels of the various methods which Kuei Ku Tzu proposed for different tasks involved in successful persuasion. of the ten methods, six are related to the gathering of ch'ing. They are: Pai-ho--opening up and closing down; Fan-ying--- reflection and responses; Ch'uai--figuring out; Mo--stroking; Ch'uan--weighing and Mou--planning. They form a sort of progressive sequence.From the most basic functions of speech/silence, action/non-action (pai-ho) , knowing oneself and the past events (fan-ying), one proceed to figure out (ch'uai) things beyond oneself and the past, to know other people and other relevant information. Once the information is at hand, use stroking (mo) to make sure. Then, one can weigh and evaluate (ch'uan) these information to use it in the planning (mou) of a strategy of persuasion.
As "nothing is too small when using the petty; nothing is too big when using the great" [A:18], Kuei Ku Tzu
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did not reject any methods as long as they were useful in achieving the desired goal. However, there are two things we need to highlight.
One is the notion that "everything is possible". ordinarily, people have no problem with methods which do not infringe upon what is commonly considered harmless. But, some of Kuei Ku Tzu's methods certainly appear to be suspicious, even exploitative. For example, he repeatedly brought up the issue of being discreet and secretive. In order to know a person's real feelings, he suggested pushing his fear and disgust or joy and desire extreme. Of course, to an a highly skillful persuader may exploit without the other person feeling exploited, or his credibility may be so high that people don't suspect him at all. But, we must be aware of the presence of such schemes.
We should also note Kuei Ku Tzu's idea on the use of language. To him, language is not only carrying out persuasive acts, it is also one major instrument of getting the desired information. Language, being symbols of "what has no form", is capable of fishing out the corresponding feelings within a person. Here, he was not advocating the "one-to-one correspondence" between the linguistic symbol and its referent. Rather, he considered language as a bait which is put forth to solicit the desired responses. Viewed in this light, the basic
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uses of language which involve the employment of speech and silence, reflection and responses,all bear some strategic significance in persuasion.
In addition to methods of gathering ch'ing to provide the basis for planning the persuasive strategies, Kuei Ku Tzu also provided some specific methods which are to be used for more specific purposes. Nei-chien, the internal bonds are important because persuasion is like unlocking a person's heart. The internal bonds are the passages through which the keys work. That is why "building internal bonds by changing is like turning a key to find its point of contact" [C:8].
In Ti-hsi, dealing with fissures, Kuei Ku Tzu led us to view an imperfect situation as a piece of pottery with fissures. The methods one can employ to deal with the fissures are analogies of methods to be used in dealing with the less than perfect situation. One can deal with the fissures by mending it, by concealing it, by removing it from the cause of the fissure, and by replacing it with a new pot. But, Kuei Ku Tzu offered us his special insight: "A fissure [which allows one] to deal with is an application of methods" [D:7]. The presence of fissures are natural. But they may be not all necessarily "natural". Some may have been inflicted artificially to be used as an opportunity to get involved.
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Fei-ch'ien, making fly and manacling, and Wu-ho, agreement and disagreement, are methods dealing with two sides of one issue. Fei-ch'ien is about attracting and retaining talents while wu-ho is about deciding whom to devote talent and loyalty to. For the former purpose, if regular speech failed to produce the desired result, Kuei Ku Tzu suggested two things. First, the talent can be challenged to take responsibilities and thus reveal its real strength. Second, one can "employ the expression to which he is most vulnerable of being hooked and manacled, then make him fly and manacle him" [E:6]. There is no elaboration on when to use which method. This, like all other methods in his book, is to be used with discretion by the user.
Wu-ho seems to be usable in a more specialized situation. Ordinarily, "he who can accomplish great deeds and whose plan matches mine will be my master" [F:4]. But when the rivaling forces are both great and I must choose one side, Kuei Ku Tzu recommended wu-ho. Wu literally means to go against. Ho means to merge. By alternatingly opposing and joining, disagreeing and agreeing, I can gain more ch'ing about the parties involved and can finally decide. So, wu-ho can also be considered as another method of acquiring the needed information. But, more directly, it is a method in deciding.
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Relatively little discussion was devoted to the final two chapters: Chueh--deciding and Fu-yen--the effective speech. In chueh, Kuei Ku Tzu briefly explained the nature, the utility and some guidelines in making decisions. It seems natural that this chapter should be brief as all the preparation is already done. Deciding is really the end point of a long process.
The entire chapter of Fu-yen is actually advice on principles of running a state. It does not bear much relevancy with the rest of the book and therefore is not dealt with in the discussion.
Although Kuei Ku Tzu teaches one how to persuade, its readers are by no means limited to those would-be-persuaders only. The insights and methods can benefit anyone who has an interest in persuasion--the persuaders, the persuadees and on-lookers. The persuaders should become more resourceful as to the methods available. The persuadees should become more aware of what to look out for. As for the on-lookers, we should have a better instrument to understand the intricate exercises of persuasion, which has been and will continue to be, a changing force in our world.
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B. SOME REFLECTIONS ON KUEI KU TZU
Our understanding of something is often enhanced by knowing what it is not. Now that we have seen what Kuei Ku Tzu did say, it is perhaps useful to reflect on some of the things which he did not say.
We have seen that Kuei Ku Tzu was highly goal-oriented. We have also seen that his major emphasis is on power and methods. He did not suggest what kind of goals to set, but told how to get what one wanted.
Generally speaking, all schools of Chinese philosophy have a bent toward pragmatism. They come into existence because there are practical problems to be solved. Kuei Ku Tzu strikes one as more pragmatic than most. He did not address the themes which were popular among the contemporary philosophers such as human nature, the nature of states, grand principles or plans for statecraft.
Not surprisingly, he did not talk about ethical questions. He did not attempt to define what was good and what not good, what was desirable and what undesirable.
Viewed in this light, one can understand why Kuei Ku Tzu has not gained a significant position in the Chinese philosophical tradition. especially in All schools of thought, the pre-Ch'in period, were proposals for
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solving the socio-political problems of the time, for bringing order to the disintegrated Chou Dynasty. This massive task required comprehensive schemes which could address all crucial issues that affect individual lives in a society. The "prominent Schools" of the time, Confucianism, Legalism, Taoism and Mohism, were attempts at doing that task.
Persuasion, though an important force in any society, is not in itself sufficient to deal with all problems. It may seem preposterous to expect one treatise on persuasion to do the tremendous work of empire rebuilding and main tenance. It would be more profitable to consider the Kuei Ku Tzu as an important document on persuasion, and only on persuasion.
Also, from this standpoint, we can further understand why the Tsung-heng school in general, and Kuei Ku Tzu in particular, has been so negatively received. In the introduction we have already seen why and how the main stream orthodoxy viewed persuasion with suspicion. In a society which has established a system where its rites and justice are properly defined, any teaching on the developing of a powerful skill with the potential of disturbing the status quo is not likely to be welcomed. Not only did the Kuei Ku Tzu say nothing about the ethical dimension of persuasion, it did not address such issues as the cultivation and nourishment of the character of a persuader.
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The third volume, which is suspected to have been added in late Han Dynasty, dealt principally with the question of persuaders. The bulk of the volume is taken up by the section Pen chin yin fu ch'i shu 本經陰符七術 (Seven Methods for Proceeding from One's Basic [Will] Toward a Secret Tallying). These methods are: Fulfilling the Spirit, Nourishing the Will, Substantiating the Mind, Spreading Majesty, Dispersing Power, Turning in circles and Disgarding the Senses.a The prime attention is focused on cultivating the internal strength and developing striking power for persuasive interactions, and the approach is method-oriented.
The Chinese have often compared persuasion to warfare. The act of persuasion is often called a "battle of the tongue" It is not coincidental that in some important aspects, the content of the Kuei Ku Tzu resembles
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a The complete title of these methods are: Fulfilling the Spirit--Emulate the Five Dragons; Will--Emulate the Sacred Tortoise; Substantiating the Mind--Emulate T'eng Snake; Spreading Majesty--Emulate the Bear Lying in Ambush; Dispersing Power--Emulate Eagles; Turning in circles--Emulate Fierce Beasts; and, Discarding the senses--Emulate the Divining Grass.
Emulating certain natural phenomena, including some sacred animals for the desired qualities is typical for religious Taoism, which was not present until late Han Dynasty. This is one reason why this volume is suspected to be a later addition and revision.
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the content of the Sun Tzu Ping-fa 孫子兵法 (Sun Tzu on the Art of War), a text also of the pre-Ch'in period.ac
For example, on the nature of war, Sun Tzu said, "All warfare is based on deception" [I:18]. On the unassuming attitude the towards victory: "What the ancients called a clever fighter is one who not only wins, but excels in winning with ease. Hence his victories bring him neither reputation for wisdom nor credit for courage" [IV:12-13]. on the gathering of information as part of the preparation: "If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles....If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle" [II:18]. On adjusting to the situation: "According as circumstances are favorable, one should modify one's plans" [I:17].
Sun Tzu claimed that engaging in the action of fighting is not the most desirable, that "the highest form of generalship is to baulk the enemy's plans; the next best is to prevent the junction of the enemy's forces; the next in order is to attack the enemy's army in the field; and the worst policy of all is to beseige walled cities"
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a Quotations of the Sun Tzu are taken from Lionel Giles, (trans.) Sun Tzu on the Art of War, Taipei: Literature House, 1964, rpt. of 1910 ed. Numbers in brackets following each quoted passage indicate the chapter and section numbers.
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[III:3].a
Sun Tzu made no reservation about the importance of scheming, planning, diplomacy and the use of spies.
However, Sun Tzu on the Art of War and other books on warfare experienced a very different treatment than the Kuei Ku Tzu. They have been carefully studied and treasured. Careful studies and early recognition resulted in clean and authentic texts and biographies which further propagated credibility.
Why is there such a difference? One possible answer lies in a difference of attitude towards war and persuasion. War has always been an accepted fact in Chinese lives. It is an open confrontation and often with a clear and justified cause. It is an assertion of masculinity. A great deal of glamour and reward is associated with victory. A great deal of humiliation and punishment is associated with failure. The act of warfare is open and observable, even though warriors must also be aware of the strategic use of secrecy.
Persuasion, on the other hand, requires little physical strength, which would also allow a weaker person, even
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a Here I use Giles' translation with some reluctance, but I do so for the sake of consistency. I would have rendered this passage:"The best policy in warfare is to win by scheming and planning. The next best is to win through diplomacy Next in line, to win by displaying force. The worst is to beseige walled cities."
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a woman, to excel in it. Usually it is not openly observable. Successful persuasion is often accomplished where one cannot see the process. It may have a clear cause, but it is not usually uttered. The cause may be justified, but is not usually subject to open scrutiny. It is also a real force in Chinese society, but a force which ordinary people would prefer not to talk about.
War is seen as necessary. Persuasion is seen as dispensable. War is glorious; persuasion shameful. War is masculine; persuasion feminine. War is straightforward; persuasion indirect and sneaky. War is admirable; persuasion deplorable.
Even though people do recognize that there are wars which are not so glorious or admirable and there are persuasions which are desirable and even rather heroic, historically and culturally, Chinese have held persuasion overall with suspicion and reservation.
Tsung-heng philosophers were not the only persuaders in ancient China. Ming-chia philosophers were yet another school of persuaders. And they share some similarities. Both were well known for their skillful employment of language. Both were admired and suspected simultaneously by their contemporaries. People were apprehensive about the Ming-chia because by well structured logical arguments they could draw conclusions which were far removed from
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what common sense could infer. More recent scholars call them the "Logicians, "a
If we use modern terms to differentiate these two schools of persuaders, it seems that Ming-chia made their appeals primarily through manipulating logic, while Tsung-heng made their appeals primarily through manipulating psychology. Neither was popular with the orthodox Chinese. The Ming-chia school might have been tolerated as some sort of nuisance, while the Tsung-heng school was treated with ambivalence caused by a mixture of enchantment and fear.
However, it is important to point out that the Tsung-heng school did not have a monopoly on persuasion appealing to psychology. Han Fei Tzu, representing the Legalist tradition, was another person who understood the nature of persuasion. On observing the practice of per suasion at the time, he wrote, "On the whole, the difficult thing about persuasion is to know the mind of the
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a Some most influential scholars and their representative works are: Hu, Shih. The Development of Logical Method in Ancient China, Shanghai: The New China Book Co., 1922; and Chan, Wing-tsit. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy... . Princeton University Press, 1963.
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person one is trying to persuade and to be able to fit one's words to it."a Kuei Ku Tau's special contribution lies in his insightfulness in extracting some principles out of the general practice. The result is a sort of theoretical counterpart of the practical case studies recorded in various historical books.
Ch'ao Kun-wu (晁公武 ) in Chun chai tu shu chin (ca.A.D. 1215) quoted Lai Hu (來鵠,ca. A.D.860): "In the past when Ts'ang Chieh (倉頡) created writing characters, ghosts shed tears. I wonder what did the ghosts do when Kuei Ku Tzu produced his book?"b The creation of written characters was indeed a giant step for the progress of civilization and human communication. Lai Hu's exclamation, concurred in by Ch'ao Kung-wu, reflected an appreciation and apprehension of the possible effect of the Kuei Ku Tzu on civilization and human communication. To
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a Watson, Burton. (trans.) The Basic Writings of Mo Tzu, Hsun Tzu and Han Fei Tzu. University Press, 1967. New York: Columbia Section on Han Fei Tzu, p.73.
b Ch'ao, Kung-wu. Chun chad tu shu chih (郡齋讀書志) Vol.11, "Tsung-heng philosophers". Taipei: Kuang-wen Book Co., 1967 (rpt. of Wang Tsien-ch'ien [ed.] 1885 edition). Lai Hu was a poet and a scholar of T'ang Dynasty. Ts'ang Chieh is a pre-historical legendary figure, who was said to be the secretary of the Yellow Emperor, and who was alleged to have invented the Chinese script.
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be sure, they were not alone in their reactions towards Kuei Ku Tzu.
It takes an independent and courageous mind to be the first to recognize the Tsung-heng philosophers' positive contributions and to express them openly.
Sun Te-ch'ien (孫德謙, 1865-1935) had an insightful comment: "Even if there are uncanny methods taught in some philosophers' texts, the crucial test really is in peoples' proper use of them....Confucian classics were honored in the Han Dynasty, yet the world suffered through Chang Yu's (張禹, ca. 50 B.C.) abuse of the Analects and Wang Mang's (王莾, 45 B.C.-A.D. 23) abuse of Chou Kuan...Therefore, it is evident that the harm of any theory is caused by men, not by the theory itself."a
A popular Chinese saying has it, "Water which can sustain a ship can also overturn it." The water is the same everywhere. It is up to the user and his maneuvering of the ship on the water. So it should be with the persuaders who used the material in the Kuei Ku Tzu. Some scholars have called the Tsung-heng persuaders "Sophists".b Indeed, within the rich and diversified
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a Sun, Teh-ch'ien. Chu tzu t'ung k'ao,諸子通考 (A Comprehensive Study of the Philosophers), Taipei: Kuangwen Publishing Co., 1975. (rpt. of 1910 edition), pp.182-4.
b For example, Forke, A. "The Chinese Sophists" JNCBRAS, xxxlv (1901-2), 1-100; Shih, Yu-chung (trans.) Wen-hsin tiao-lung 文心雕龍(The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons). Taipei: Cheng-chung Book Co., 1971,
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tradition of Western rhetoric, the Sophists seem to offer some interesting contrasts and comparisons with the Tsung heng persuaders.
They both travelled from place to place, although the Sophists did it for the convenience of teaching, while the Tsung-heng persuaders did by the necessity for diplomacy. They both won admiration for their skills in moving people toward a desired end, although the Sophists primarily used pedagogy as the medium for fame, while the Tsung-heng persuaders used politics. In both cases, their success brought them considerable wealth and the envy of their contemporaries.
They also shared some interesting viewpoints concerning communication. They both viewed persuasion to be competitive. We have already seen the Chinese analogy of warfare. Among the Sophists, Protagoras held the view that "any discussion is a 'verbal battle', in which one must be victor and the other vanquished.... The contest needs both boldness and wit, for the argument, like the herald at Olympia, summons whoever will come, but crowns only those who succeed. "a
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a Guthrie, W.K.C. The Sophists. Cambridge University Press, 1971, p.43.
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Furthermore, on a more fundamental issue, "the Sophists abandoned the idea of a permanent reality behind appearances in favor of an extreme phenomenalism, relativism and subjectivism. "a This is reminiscent of the Kuei Ku Tzu passage: "The world does not remain perpetually prosperous. Things do not have any perpetual model"[G:3].
Perhaps as a result of this basic outlook, the Sophists are "morally neutral, concerned with means, not ends, "b And, according to Gorgias, "One essential to the art was the sense of occasion, kairos, the right time or opportunity....The speaker must adapt his words to the audience and the situation.c All these have a familiar ring from what we know of Kuei Ku Tzu.
The Sophists were also rather ill-treated in the Western intellectual tradition. As Guthrie succinctly pointed out, "until comparatively recently the prevailing view, the view in which a scholar of my own generation was brought up, was that in his quarrel with the Sophists Plato was right...the Sophists were superficial, destructive,
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a Ibid., p.47.
b Guthrie, W.K.C., op.cit., p.271.
c Ibid., p.272.
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and a worst deliberate deceivers, purveyors of sophistry in the modern sense of the term. "a
As there are moralistic Confucians in China, so there are idealistic Platonists in the West! However, this parallelism does not extend very far. In the West, Sophistry is a rather small part of the entire rhetorical tradition. In China, other than the Tsung-heng school as represented by the Kuei Ku Tzu, we cannot yet claim a larger tradition in persuasion theory.
If we consider the rhetorical tradition as indicative of what a society values and tolerates, we find that the Western world and China are quite different from each other. An elaboration of this point will serve as the introduction of the next section, which assesses the Kuei Ku Tzu's contribution and application.
C. CONTRIBUTION AND APPLICATION
Although democracy as a form of government became popular only recently when compared with the much longer history of rhetoric in the Western world, it is difficult
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a Ibid., p.10.
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to dissociate the growth of democracy from some aspects of the rhetorical tradition. This relationship of co-existence is particularly striking when compared with the Chinese experience.
China has long been an authoritarian society in which persons in high positions. wield highly concentrated power. This situation has not changed much even after the establishment of the Republic in 1912.
Richard Solomon in his book, Mao's Revolution and the Chinese Political Culture, observed some typical behaviors resulting from "anxiety before social authority": indirection in dealing with superiors, great reluctance to criticize, and an over-willingness to please those in power.a He further explained, "The willing submission or dependence of people on a powerful individual could increase his power through the skills or resources they might bring to the relationship, and by increasing his prestige, his social 'face' in the eyes of others."b
Such is the environment in which the Kuei Ku Tzu was conceived and conserved.
While the moralistic Confucians persistently condemned Kuei Ku Tzu, they, by their preservation of the
a Solomon, Richard H. Mao's Revolution and the Chinese Political Culture. Berkely: University of California Press, 1971. pp. 112-3.
b Ibid., p.121.
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status quo, and by their upholding of the traditional system, failed to suggest an alternative system which could promote a different ideal and encourage a different appeal in persuasive communication.
This status quo of the authoritarian system was able to sustain itself as long as there was no strong rival system to challenge it. The weakness of the system was completely exposed when the West came to China, especially after the nineteenth century.
Science and democracy were thought to be the remedies for the ailing China. Of these two, science has been more successful in being appreciated and accepted. In contrast, democracy has encountered much more difficulty. The title of the country has been changed to the "Republic", but the authoritarian mentality lingers on.
The problem is probably rhetorical in nature. Vigorous studies comparing and contrasting rhetorical traditions and socio-political forms and their relationships can perhaps suggest some useful ways to understand and, it is hoped, solve the problem.
Kuei Ku Tzu has been an interesting work in itself. However, just as it was not adequate to solve the socio-political problems two thousand years ago, so it will not be adequate to offer a solution to such problems now. It appeals, however, to certain traits in us which are most useful for particular situations where its counsels may be
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relevant. . In this sense, the Kuel Ku Tzu is important and significant.
In the long stretch of the intellectual tradition of China, "communication has never been recognized as a distinctive area for study. In the rich and diversified tradition of Western studies on communication, it is only in the last two decades that scholarly attention has begun to be devoted to communication in, and with, other cultures. Much of such studies are conducted in the area of intercultural communication. The substance of these studies is usually drawn from current resources, pooling research methods from disciplines such as anthropology, psychology and sociology. Efforts at using more conventional rhetorical methods such as historical and textual investigation into the classical material have been sparse.a This is indeed a pity.
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a A through survey of speech journals resulted in the following findings: oliver, Robert T. "The Confucian Rhetorical Tradition in Korea During the Yi Dynasty," Quarterly Journal of Speech (QJS). XLV:4, (Dec., 1959); "The Rhetorical Implication of Taoism," QJS. XLVII: 1, (Feb., 1961); "The Rhetorical Tradition in China: Confucius and Mencius," Today's Speech. XVII:1, (Feb., 1969); Communication and Culture in Ancient India and China. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1971. Reynolds, Beatrice K. "Lao tzu: Persuasion through Inaction Non-Speaking," Today's Speech. XVII:1, (February, 1969). There are also four articles by Gerald M. Phillips published between 1957 and 1961, dealing basically with rhetoric of the Talmud, which appeared in QJS and Speech Monograph.
There have also been some s individual efforts in studying Japanese, Indian and African concepts and practices of rhetoric, such as Thomas Sloan on "Public
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As our present is forged from our past, a comprehensive understanding of the past should prove to be crucial to the understanding of the present. studying more deeply the attitude toward, and the practice of, communication in ancient China should be helpful in shedding light on why the Chinese communicate the way they are.
This study of the Kuei Ku Tzu is one such attempt at "root digging" with the hope of enhancing our knowledge of the present.
If we view the Kuei Ku Tzu as a theory of persuasion, then the question is, how good a theory is it?--Can it help us understand what has happened in the past? Can it help us comprehend what is happening now? And, to what extent can this theory be applied?
The answer to these general questions can only be answered after more studies using the principles and methods expounded by Kuei Ku Tzu are done. However, from my personal experience, I feel confident that the Kuei Ku Tzu as a theory can contribute richly to our understanding of human communication in general.
In my capacity as a reader of Chinese history, which has recorded abundantly the intricate and complicated power-plays of the past, as a woman working in a large Chinese institute which is called a National University,
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In my capacity as a reader of Chinese history, which has recorded abundantly the intricate and complicated power-plays of the past, as a woman working in a large Chinese institute which is called a National University, and as a graduate student in Communication observing political activities at all levels, I have become convinced that there are some aspects in us human beings that time seems to have been powerless to change significantly. Neither do differences in language, nationality, or even education affect them drastically.
Some of these "stable" elements include our need to communicate with each other, our tendency to be attracted to what pleases us and to avoid what we do not like, and, the presence and exchange of power inherent in all human interactions, including communication. Education, especially the promotion of rationality, may have tempered our intuitions and emotions somewhat. But, human beings, past or present, East or West, have inherited all these. These stable elements have made the continuation of civilization possible. They have also made human communication endlessly fascinating.
Perhaps because Kuei Ku Tzu has effectively addressed some of these traits, I find the Kuei Ku Tzu has increased my understanding and appreciation of Chinese political behavior, not only those recorded in history, but also those taking place currently in my various surroundings.
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With my interest in international politics, I feel rather strongly that the Kuei Ku Tau may offer some insight into its dynamics, too.
D. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
This exploration of Kuei Ku Tzu's theory of persuasion opens up a few questions which are interesting and may be worthwhile to pursue.
First, how useful is this theory? The usefulness of a theory should be determined by how well it can explain the phenomenon which it is intended for, and how widely this theory can be applied. As I have suggested earlier in this chapter, its usefulness is yet to be established. More studies of application should be done.
Secondly, it must be pointed out, that the Kuei Ku Tzu is only one work in the vast collection of Chinese classics. other works, at least parts of some other works, must also contain some discussions on persuasion or other aspects of human communication. What do they say? How does the Kuei Ku Tzu stand in comparison with them?
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In the Chinese vocabulary, in addition to shui說, which is most often rendered "persuasion", there are some other words also meaning communication with the intention to influence. For example, chien諌 "to admonish" and yu 諭"to order". How are they different from shui? Why is shui chosen above others to become the Chinese equivalent of "persuasion"? How do all these and others stand when compared with Kuei Ku Tzu's persuasion?
Studies in this direction may be crucial in establishing a more thorough and firm framework for any advanced inquiries into communication in China or intercultural communication with China.
Finally, in the process of my study, I inevitably searched for compatible concepts and ideas from my knowledge of Western civilization. for example, came rather negative The word "intrigue", to my attention, and I usually sensed a sentiment in connection with Oxford English Dictionary defines it as "to carry on underhand plotting or scheming; to employ secret influence for the accomplishment of designs." After studying the Kuei Ku Tzu and learning how this work was taken by some scholars, the distrusting sentiment associated with "intrigues" become understandable..
In certain dealings, secrecy is desired. Yet, secrecy is often a source of uneasiness, anxiety, irritation and even anger and fear. How do these reactions
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affect communication? Do we consider intrigue to be a form of communication? What are the differences between "secrecy", "confidentiality", and "privacy"? What roles do they play in persuasion and communication? If we cite Aristotle and define rhetoric as "the faculty of discovering in the particular case what are the available means of persuasion",a then, would these " available means" also include intrigue? These questions may lead to a separate set of discussions.
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a Cooper, Lane (trans.) The Rhetoric of Aristotle: An Expanded Translation with Supplementary Examples Students of Composition and Public Speaking, Englewood cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1960, p.6.
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